2010 美国国家安全战略报告序言（中英文）

THE WHITE HOUSE
May 27, 2010
[For the full report of the National Security Strategy Report, go here: http://www.whitehouse.gov/site....]
I. Overview of National Security Strategy
美国《国家安全战略》总纲
At the dawn of the 21st century, the United States of America faces a broad and complex array of challenges to our national security. Just as America helped to determine the course of the 20th century, we must now build the sources of American strength and influence, and shape an international order capable of overcoming the challenges of the 21st century.
21世纪之初，美利坚合众国面临着对我国国家安全构成的广泛和复杂的一系列挑战。正如美国曾为引领20世纪的进程做出贡献一样，我国现在仍必须开拓美国实力和影响力的来源，构筑有能力战胜21世纪各种挑战的国际秩序。
The World as It Is, A Strategy for the World We Seek
世界的现状，为实现我们瞩望的世界制定战略
To succeed, we must face the world as it is. The two decades since the end of the Cold War have been marked by both the promise and perils of change. The circle of peaceful democracies has expanded; the specter of nuclear war has lifted; major powers are at peace; the global economy has grown; commerce has stitched the fate of nations together; and more individuals can determine their own destiny. Yet these advances have been accompanied by persistent problems. Wars over ideology have given way to wars over religious, ethnic, and tribal identity; nuclear dangers have proliferated; inequality and economic instability have intensified; damage to our environment, food insecurity, and dangers to public health are increasingly shared; and the same tools that empower individuals to build enable them to destroy.
为了取得成功，我们必须面对世界的现状。冷战结束后20年来发生的变化既展现了希望，又出现了各种危险。和平民主国家的范围得到扩展；核战争的阴影已经消散；大国间和平相处；全球经济获得增长；商贸活动将各国的命运紧密联系在一起；更多的人能够主宰自己的命运。然而，伴随着这些进步，也出现了一些持续存在的问题。意识形态的战争被宗教、种族和部落间认同感的对垒所取代；核危险已经扩散；不平等和经济动荡加剧；我们所处的环境和粮食安全遭到损害，公共卫生面临的危险日益受到广泛关注；有利于人们从事建设的工具也可被用于进行破坏。
The dark side of this globalized world came to the forefront for the American people on September 11, 2001. The immediate threat demonstrated by the deadliest attacks ever launched upon American soil demanded strong and durable approaches to defend our homeland. In the years since, we have launched a war against al-Qa’ida and its affiliates, decided to fight a war in Iraq, and confronted a sweeping economic crisis. More broadly, though, we have wrestled with how to advance American interests in a world that has changed—a world in which the international architecture of the 20th century is buckling under the weight of new threats, the global economy has accelerated the competition facing our people and businesses, and the universal aspiration for freedom and dignity contends with new obstacles.
全球化世界的这一黑暗面在2001年9月11日这一天降临在美国人民面前。在美国国土上发生了有史以来对美国最严重的一次袭击，成为存在直接的威胁一个例证，要求我们采取强有力的、持久的方式保卫我们的国家。在此后的几年内，我们进行了打击“基地”组织及其同伙的战争，决定在伊拉克打一场战争，同时抗击全面的经济危机。但从更广的范围来看，我们为如何在已经发生变化的世界上维护美国的利益进行了艰苦努力。在当今世界上，20世纪的国际架构已难以承受新威胁的压力，全球经济加速了我国人民和企业面临的竞争，同时争取自由与尊严的普遍愿望正与新的障碍进行对抗。
Our country possesses the attributes that have supported our leadership for decades — sturdy alliances, an unmatched military, the world’s largest economy, a strong and evolving democracy, and a dynamic citizenry. Going forward, there should be no doubt: the United States of America will continue to underwrite global security — through our commitments to allies, partners, and institutions; our focus on defeating al-Qa’ida and its affiliates in Afghanistan, Pakistan, and around the globe; and our determination to deter aggression and prevent the proliferation of the world’s most dangerous weapons. As we do, we must recognize that no one nation—no matter how powerful—can meet global challenges alone. As we did after World War II, America must prepare for the future, while forging cooperative approaches among nations that can yield results.
我国具备的各种特性为几十年来发挥主导作用提供了支持——稳固的同盟关系、举世无双的军力、全世界规模最大的经济、强大和不断发展的民主制度及富有活力的人民。展望前程，毫无疑问美利坚合众国将继续为维护全球安全承担责任——通过我们对盟友、伙伴和有关机制的承诺；我们全力以赴为战胜“基地”组织及其在阿富汗、巴基斯坦和全球各地的同伙进行的努力；以及我们遏制侵略和防止世界上最危险的武器扩散的决心。在我们这样做的时候，我们必须认识到，任何一个国家，无论多么强大，都无法单枪匹马地应对全球挑战。如同我们在二战以后所做的那样，美国必须为未来做好准备，同时为取得实效努力促进各国间的合作。
Our national security strategy is, therefore, focused on renewing American leadership so that we can more effectively advance our interests in the 21st century. We will do so by building upon the sources of our strength at home, while shaping an international order that can meet the challenges of our time. This strategy recognizes the fundamental connection between our national security, our national competitiveness, resilience, and moral example. And it reaffirms America’s commitment to pursue our interests through an international system in which all nations have certain rights and responsibilities. This will allow America to leverage our engagement abroad on behalf of a world in which individuals enjoy more freedom and opportunity, and nations have incentives to act responsibly, while facing consequences when they do not.
因此，我国的国家安全战略以继续发挥美国的主导作用为要务，使我们能在21世纪更有效地推进我们的利益。为了实现这个目标，我们将在国内进一步增强我国实力的来源，同时构筑有助于应对时代挑战的国际秩序。这个战略承认我国的国家安全、我国的国家竞争力、适应能力和道德榜样有着基本的相互联系。这项战略再次确定，美国将坚持通过所有的国家都有某些权利与责任的国际体系维护我国的利益。这将使美国能够利用我国的对外接触，促使全世界人人都能享有更多的自由与机会，各国都有动力采取负责任的行为，同时为采取不负责任的行为承担后果。
Renewing American Leadership — Building at Home, Shaping Abroad
重振美国的领导地位——在国内从事建设，在海外发挥影响
Our approach begins with a commitment to build a stronger foundation for American leadership, because what takes place within our borders will determine our strength and influence beyond them. This truth is only heightened in a world of greater interconnection—a world in which our prosperity is inextricably linked to global prosperity, our security can be directly challenged by developments across an ocean, and our actions are scrutinized as never before.
我们的方针从致力于建设美国主导地位的坚强基础着手，因为在我国境内发生的事情将决定我们在境外的实力和影响。这个事实在相互联系更紧密的世界里愈发鲜明——在这个世界里，我们的繁荣与全球的繁荣密不可分，我们的安全可能直接受到大洋彼岸事态发展的影响，我们的行动也受到前所未有的认真审视。
At the center of our efforts is a commitment to renew our economy, which serves as the wellspring of American power. The American people are now emerging from the most devastating recession that we have faced since the Great Depression. As we continue to act to ensure that our recovery is broad and sustained, we are also laying the foundation for the long term growth of our economy and competitiveness of our citizens. The investments that we have made in recovery are a part of a broader effort that will contribute to our strength: by providing a quality education for our children; enhancing science and innovation; transforming our energy economy to power new jobs and industries; lowering the cost of health care for our people and businesses; and reducing the Federal deficit.
我们努力的核心是致力于重振作为美国力量源泉的美国经济。美国人民目前正在走出“大萧条”以来最严重的经济衰退。当我们继续努力确保我们广泛和可持续的复苏的同时，我们也奠定了经济和国民竞争力长期增长的基础。我们用于经济复苏的投资是增强我们实力的更广泛的努力之一：为我们的后代提供高质量教育；加强科学和创新；把我国能源型经济转变为创造就业机会和新产业的动力；为我们的人民和企业降低健保成本；减少联邦赤字。
Each of these steps will sustain America’s ability to lead in a world where economic power and individual opportunity are more diffuse. These efforts are also tied to our commitment to secure a more resilient nation. Our recovery includes rebuilding an infrastructure that will be more secure and reliable in the face of terrorist threats and natural disasters. Our focus on education and science can ensure that the breakthroughs of tomorrow take place in the United States. Our development of new sources of energy will reduce our dependence on foreign oil. Our commitment to deficit reduction will discipline us to make hard choices, and to avoid overreach. These steps complement our efforts to integrate homeland security with national security; including seamless coordination among Federal, state, and local governments to prevent, protect against, and respond to threats and natural disasters.上述每个步骤都能保持美国在一个经济实力和个人机遇更为分散的世界里的主导能力。这些努力也与承诺建设一个更坚韧顽强的国家息息相关。我们的复苏包括重建更加安全可靠的基础设施，以应对恐怖主义威胁和自然灾害。我们对教育和科学的重视将确保明天的突破在美国实现。我们对新能源的开发将减少对外国石油的依赖。我们对削减赤字的承诺将约束我们做出艰难的选择并避免过度支出。这些步骤同我们将国土安全与国家安全相结合的努力相辅相成；包括联邦、州和地方政府之间的密切协调在内，以防止、抵御并应对威胁和自然灾害。
Finally, the work to build a stronger foundation for our leadership within our borders recognizes that the most effective way for the United States of America to promote our values is to live them. America’s commitment to democracy, human rights, and the rule of law are essential sources of our strength and influence in the world. They too must be cultivated by our rejection of actions like torture that are not in line with our values, by our commitment to pursue justice consistent with our Constitution, and by our steady determination to extend the promise of America to all of our citizens. America has always been a beacon to the peoples of the world when we ensure that the light of America’s example burns bright.
最后，在国内建设我们主导地位的坚强基础的时候，我们要认识到，促进美国价值观的最有效途径是身体力行。美国对民主、人权、法治的承诺是我们在世界上的实力和影响的主要来源。这也需要精心培植，通过摒弃酷刑这类与我们的价值观格格不入的行为，通过致力于实现符合宪法的公正，以及让我国所有公民都享有美国的美好前景的坚定决心。美国始终是世界人民的一座灯塔，而我们必须确保美国的典范之光明亮四射。
Building this stronger foundation will support America’s efforts to shape an international system that can meet the challenges of our time. In the aftermath of World War II, it was the United States that helped take the lead in constructing a new international architecture to keep the peace and advance prosperity—from NATO and the United Nations, to treaties that govern the laws and weapons of war; from the World Bank and International Monetary Fund, to an expanding web of trade agreements. This architecture, despite its flaws, averted world war, enabled economic growth, and advanced human rights, while facilitating effective burden sharing among the United States, our allies, and partners.
建设这种更坚实的基础将有利于美国努力去塑造一个能够应对我们这个时代的种种挑战的国际体系。在第二次世界大战结束之后，是美国帮助领导建立了新的国际结构，以维护和平并促进繁荣——从北约组织和联合国，到制定战争法和管制武器的条约；从世界银行和国际货币基金组织，到日益扩大的贸易协议网络。这种架构尽管存在缺陷，但它避免了世界大战，促进了经济增长，推动了人权，同时促成了美国以及我们的盟友和伙伴之间有效的责任分担。
Today, we need to be clear-eyed about the strengths and shortcomings of international institutions that were developed to deal with the challenges of an earlier time and the shortage of political will that has at times stymied the enforcement of international norms. Yet it would be destructive to both American national security and global security if the United States used the emergence of new challenges and the shortcomings of the international system as a reason to walk away from it. Instead, we must focus American engagement on strengthening international institutions and galvanizing the collective action that can serve common interests such as combating violent extremism; stopping the spread of nuclear weapons and securing nuclear materials; achieving balanced and sustainable economic growth; and forging cooperative solutions to the threat of climate change, armed conflict, and pandemic disease.
今天，我们必须清醒地认识到国际机制的长处和短处，当年制定这些机制的目的是应对早期的挑战，而且由于缺乏政治意愿，国际惯例的执行时常陷入困境。然而，如果美国以新挑战的出现以及国际体制的缺陷为由而袖手旁观，那么这对美国国家安全和全球安全均将造成严重损害。相反，我们必须着重参与加强国际机制及调动集体行动，以此促进共同利益，如打击暴力极端主义；停止核武器扩散和确保核材料安全；实现平衡且可持续的经济增长；制定合作方案，以应对气候变化、武装冲突乃至传染性疾病等威胁。
The starting point for that collective action will be our engagement with other countries. The cornerstone of this engagement is the relationship between the United States and our close friends and allies in Europe, Asia, the Americas, and the Middle East—ties which are rooted in shared interests and shared values, and which serve our mutual security and the broader security and prosperity of the world. We are working to build deeper and more effective partnerships with other key centers of influence — including China, India, and Russia, as well as increasingly influential nations such as Brazil, South Africa, and Indonesia — so that we can cooperate on issues of bilateral and global concern, with the recognition that power, in an interconnected world, is no longer a zero sum game. We are expanding our outreach to emerging nations, particularly those that can be models of regional success and stability, from the Americas to Africa to Southeast Asia. And we will pursue engagement with hostile nations to test their intentions, give their governments the opportunity to change course, reach out to their people, and mobilize international coalitions.
集体行动将以与其他国家进行接触为开端。这种交流接触的基石是美国与我们在欧洲、亚洲、美洲及中东的亲密友邦和盟国之间的关系——这种关系植根于共同的利益和共同的价值观，有利于我们的共同安全以及更广泛的世界安全和繁荣。我们正努力与其他有影响力的重要中心建立更深层更有效的合作关系——其中包括中国、印度和俄罗斯以及越来越具影响力的巴西、南非和印尼等国——以使我们能就双边和全球问题进行合作，同时认识到强权在一个相互联系的世界中不再为一场零和游戏。我们正在扩大与新兴国家的交往，尤其是那些可以成为从美洲到非洲直至东南亚的地区成功和稳定的范例的国家。我们将与敌对国家进行接触，以检验其意图，为其政府提供改弦更张、听信于民的机会，并努力调动国际联盟。
This engagement will underpin our commitment to an international order based upon rights and responsibilities. International institutions must more effectively represent the world of the 21st century, with a broader voice — and greater responsibilities — for emerging powers, and they must be modernized to more effectively generate results on issues of global interest. Constructive national steps on issues ranging from nuclear security to climate change must be incentivized, so nations that choose to do their part see the benefits of responsible action. Rules of the road must be followed, and there must be consequences for those nations that break the rules—whether they are nonproliferation obligations, trade agreements, or human rights commitments.
这种接触将有助于支持我们建立一个基于权利和义务的国际秩序。国际机构必须更有效地代表21世纪的世界并发出更广泛的声音——新兴强国应当承担更多的责任——它们必须实行现代化，在全球性问题上更有效地取得成果。在从核安全到气候变化等问题上所采取的建设性的国家举措必须得到鼓励，以使履行义务的国家看到负责任的行动所带来的好处。行为规则必须得到遵守，那些违反规则的国家必须承担后果，无论是不扩散义务、贸易协议或人权义务。
This modernization of institutions, strengthening of international norms, and enforcement of international law is not a task for the United States alone — but together with like-minded nations, it is a task we can lead. A key source of American leadership throughout our history has been enlightened self-interest. We want a better future for our children and grandchildren, and we believe that their lives will be better if other peoples’ children and grandchildren can live in freedom and prosperity. The belief that our own interests are bound to the interests of those beyond our borders will continue to guide our engagement with nations and peoples.
各个机构的现代化建设，国际惯例的强化以及国际法的实施并非美国一国的使命——但通过联合志同道合的国家，我们能够带领执行这项使命。在整个历史进程中，开明的自身利益始终是美国领导作用的一个重要源泉。我们希望我们的子孙后代拥有一个更美好的前景，我们也相信他们的生活一定会更好，只要其他国家人民的子孙后代也能生活在自由与繁荣之中。我们的自身利益与世界其他地区人民的利益息息相关这一信念，将继续指导我们与其他国家及各国人民进行接触交流。
Advancing Top National Security Priorities
推进国家安全的首要事务
Just as our national security strategy is focused on renewing our leadership for the long term, it is also facilitating immediate action on top priorities. This Administration has no greater responsibility than the safety and security of the American people. And there is no greater threat to the American people than weapons of mass destruction, particularly the danger posed by the pursuit of nuclear weapons by violent extremists and their proliferation to additional states.
我国的国家安全战略不仅以继续发挥我国长期的主导作用为重点，而且也要求加强对首要事务采取的立即行动。本届政府的最大责任于莫过于保护美国人民的安全。而美国人民面临的最大威胁莫过于大规模毁灭性武器，特别是暴力极端主义份子谋求核武器以及扩散到其他国家造成的危险。
That is why we are pursuing a comprehensive nonproliferation and nuclear security agenda, grounded in the rights and responsibilities of nations. We are reducing our nuclear arsenal and reliance on nuclear weapons, while ensuring the reliability and effectiveness of our deterrent. We are strengthening the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) as the foundation of nonproliferation, while working through the NPT to hold nations like Iran and North Korea accountable for their failure to meet international obligations. We are leading a global effort to secure all vulnerable nuclear materials from terrorists. And we are pursuing new strategies to protect against biological attacks and challenges to the cyber networks that we depend upon.
正因为如此，我们寻求以各国权利与义务为基础的全面的不扩散与核安全议程。我们正在削减本国的核武库，降低对核武器的依赖程度，同时要求保证我国威慑力量的可靠性和有效性。我们正在巩固不扩散的基石，《不扩散核武器条约》（Non-Proliferation Treaty），同时通过这个条约责成伊朗及北韩等国家对未履行国际义务承担责任。我们正在主导一项全球努力，要求所有危险的核材料不落入恐怖份子手中。此外，我们正采取新的战略，努力防范生物武器的攻击并应对我们依靠的计算机网络面临的挑战。
As we secure the world’s most dangerous weapons, we are fighting a war against a far-reaching network of hatred and violence. We will disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al-Qa’ida and its affiliates through a comprehensive strategy that denies them safe haven, strengthens front-line partners, secures our homeland, pursues justice through durable legal approaches, and counters a bankrupt agenda of extremism and murder with an agenda of hope and opportunity. The frontline of this fight is Afghanistan and Pakistan, where we are applying relentless pressure on al-Qa’ida, breaking the Taliban’s momentum, and strengthening the security and capacity of our partners. In this effort, our troops are again demonstrating their extraordinary service, making great sacrifices in a time of danger, and they have our full support.
我们在控制全世界最危险的武器之际，还在与广泛的仇恨和暴力网络处于交战状态。我们将采取全面的战略，挫败、摧毁并战胜基地组织（al-Qa’ida）及其同伙。这项战略要求防止他们获得庇护所，加强第一线的合作伙伴，保卫我们的国土，通过稳固的法律途径寻求正义，并倡导希望和机会，抗击极端主义和刽子手注定失败的阴谋。这场斗争的前线在阿富汗及巴基斯坦，我们在当地坚持不懈地对基地组织施加压力，打击塔利班（Taliban）的气焰，并加强我们合作伙伴的安全与能力。在这项努力中，我国军队再一次显示了他们非凡的功绩，在危险时刻作出重大牺牲。他们得到我们的全力支持。
In Iraq, we are transitioning to full Iraqi sovereignty and responsibility — a process that includes the removal of our troops, the strengthening of our civilian capacity, and a long-term partnership to the Iraqi Government and people. We will be unwavering in our pursuit of a comprehensive peace between Israel and its neighbors, including a two-state solution that ensures Israel’s security, while fulfilling the Palestinian peoples’ legitimate aspirations fora viable state of their own. And our broader engagement with Muslim communities around the world will spur progress on critical political and security matters, while advancing partnerships on a broad range of issues based upon mutual interests and mutual respect.
在伊拉克，我们正逐步向伊拉克全面转移主权和责任——这个进程包括撤出我国军队，加强我国的民事能力，并与伊拉克政府和人民建立持久的伙伴关系。我们将坚定不移地争取以色列与各邻国实现全面和平，其中包括采取两国解决方案，一方面保障以色列的安全，另一方面实现巴勒斯坦人民的正当愿望，为自己组成名副其实的国家。我们与全世界穆斯林群体进行更广泛的接触，将有助于推动重大政治与安全事务取得进展，同时本着共同利益和相互尊重的精神在广泛的议题上促进伙伴关系。
As we rebuild the economic strength upon which our leadership depends, we are working to advance the balanced and sustainable growth upon which global prosperity and stability depends. This includes steps at home and abroad to prevent another crisis. We have shifted focus to the G-20 as the premier forum for international economic cooperation, and are working to rebalance global demand so that America saves more and exports more, while emerging economies generate more demand. And we will pursue bilateral and multilateral trade agreements that advance our shared prosperity, while accelerating investments in development that can narrow inequality, expand markets, and support individual opportunity and state capacity abroad.
我们正在重建继续发挥主导作用所依靠的经济实力，与此同时我们也在努力促进全球繁荣与稳定所必需的平衡与可持续增长。这包括为防止再次发生危机在国内外采取有关步骤。我们已经将重点转移至G-20，以此作为国际经济合作的主要平台，并正在努力重新平衡全球需求，使美国增加储蓄及扩大出口，新兴经济体则需要创造更多的需求。我们将争取达成有助于促进共同繁荣的双边及多边贸易协定，同时加速发展投资，设法缩小不平等造成的差距，扩大市场并支持国外的个人机会和国家能力。
These efforts to advance security and prosperity are enhanced by our support for certain values that are universal. Nations that respect human rights and democratic values are more successful and stronger partners, and individuals who enjoy such respect are more able to achieve their full potential. The United States rejects the false choice between the narrow pursuit of our interests and an endless campaign to impose our values. Instead, we see it as fundamental to our own interests to support a just peace around the world—one in which individuals, and not just nations, are granted the fundamental rights that they deserve.
这些促进安全繁荣的努力通过我们支持的某些普遍的价值观得到加强。尊重人权和民主价值观的国家是更成功和更坚强的伙伴，获得尊重的个人也更有能力充分发挥自己的潜力。美国认为，不存在所谓追求我国自身的狭隘利益和不停地要求强加我国的价值观，在两者之间作出选择实属无稽之谈。相反，我们认为，支持全世界正义的和平符合我国自身的根本利益——在这样的世界上，个人，不仅仅是国家，都能获得应该享有的基本权利。
In keeping with the focus on the foundation of our strength and influence, we are promoting universal values abroad by living them at home, and will not seek to impose these values through force. Instead, we are working to strengthen international norms on behalf of human rights, while welcoming all peaceful democratic movements. We are supporting the development of institutions within fragile democracies, integrating human rights as a part of our dialogue with repressive governments, and supporting the spread of technologies that facilitate the freedom to access information. And we recognize economic opportunity as a human right, and are promoting the dignity of all men and women through our support for global health, food security, and cooperatives responses to humanitarian crises.
以我国实力和影响力的基础为要务，还需要我们相应通过国内的践行在海外促进普遍的价值观，决并非依仗势力强加于人。实际上我们正为促进人权，努力加强国际准则，同时对所有和平的民主运动表示欢迎。我们支持脆弱的民主体发展有关制度，同时将人权纳入我们与专制政权的对话，并且支持传播有关技术，便于人们自由获得信息。我们认识到经济机会是一种人权。我们通过支持全球健康、食品安全及合作应对人道主义危机，促进全体男性和女性的尊严。
Finally, our efforts to shape an international order that promotes a just peace must facilitate cooperation capable of addressing the problems of our time. This international order will support our interests, but it is also an end that we seek in its own right. New challenges hold out the prospect of opportunity, but only if the international community breaks down the old habits of suspicion to build upon common interests. A global effort to combat climate change must draw upon national actions to reduce emissions and a commitment to mitigate their impact. Efforts to prevent conflicts and keep the peace in their aftermath can stop insecurity from spreading. Global cooperation to prevent the spread of pandemic disease can promote public health.
最后，我们争取构筑一种国际秩序，要求倡导正义的和平，同时必须有利于合作解决我们这个时代面临的各种问题。这种国际秩序将支持我国利益，但其本身也是我们追求的目标。新的挑战将提供新的机会，但只有在国际社会破除相互猜疑的旧习并建立共同利益的条件下才能得到实现。抗击气候变化的全球努力必须通过各国采取的行动，减少排放并承诺降低排放造成的影响。努力预防冲突并在冲突发生后维持和平，可以制止不安全的因素四处扩散。全球合作预防疾病蔓延也有助于促进公共健康。
Implementing this agenda will not be easy. To succeed, we must balance and integrate all elements of American power and update our national security capacity for the 21st century. We must maintain our military’s conventional superiority, while enhancing its capacity to defeat asymmetric threats. Our diplomacy and development capabilities must be modernized, and our civilian expeditionary capacity strengthened, to support the full breadth of our priorities. Our intelligence and homeland security efforts must be integrated with our national security policies, and those of our allies and partners. And our ability to synchronize our actions while communicating effectively with foreign publics must be enhanced to sustain global support.
实施这项议程并非易事。为了获得成功，我们必须对构成美国实力的所有因素进行平衡和整合，提高我国在21世纪的国家安全能力。我们必须保持我国常规军事力量的优势，同时为战胜不对称的威胁增强自身的能力。我国的外交和发展能力必须现代化。为了全面支持我们的各项要务，我国的民事调遣能力也必须加强。我国的情报工作和国土安全措施必须配合我国和盟国及伙伴的国家安全政策。为了与国外公众有效地进行接触，我们必须加强协调行动的能力，从而持续获得全球的支持。
However, America’s greatest asset remains our people. In an era that will be shaped by the ability to seize the opportunities of a world that has grown more interconnected, it is the American people who will make the difference — the troops and civilians serving within our government; businesses, foundations, and educational institutions that operate around the globe; and citizens who possess the dynamism, drive, and diversity to thrive in a world that has grown smaller. Because for all of its dangers, globalization is in part a product of American leadership and the ingenuity of the American people. We are uniquely suited to seize its promise.
Our story is not without imperfections. Yet at each juncture that history has called upon us to rise to the occasion, we have advanced our own security, while contributing to the cause of human progress. To continue to do so, our national security strategy must be informed by our people, enhanced by the contributions of the Congress, and strengthened by the unity of the American people. If we draw on that spirit anew, we can build a world of greater peace, prosperity, and human dignity.
然而，美国最大的财富是我们的人民。全世界的相互联系日益密切，抓住机会的能力将引导时代的走向。在这个时代，美国人民将大有可为 –在我国政府内部服务的军人和平民；在全球运作的各类工商企业、基金会和教育机构；以及充满活力、能动性和多样性的公民，在这个越变越小的世界上日益兴盛。尽管存在各种危险，但全球化在某种程度上是美国主导能力和美国人民聪明才智的产物。我们具有独特的条件抓住全球化带来的希望。我们的经历并非十全十美，但是，在历史召唤我们挺身而出的每一个重要关头，我们都增强了我国的国家安全，同时为人类进步作出贡献。继往开来，我国的国家安全战略必须听取我国人民的心声，通过国会的贡献加以改进，并因美国人民的团结一致得到巩固。我们如果继续发扬这种精神，就能够建立一个更和平、更繁荣、更有人类尊严的世界。
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